{"id":6818,"date":"2018-12-19T14:29:06","date_gmt":"2018-12-19T14:29:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/pueblosencamino.org\/?p=6818"},"modified":"2018-12-19T14:33:25","modified_gmt":"2018-12-19T14:33:25","slug":"el-legado-vivo-de-hugo-blanco-indispensable-aqui-y-ahora","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/pueblosencamino.org\/?p=6818","title":{"rendered":"El legado vivo de Hugo Blanco indispensable aqu\u00ed y ahora"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

La Voz de Per\u00fa traduce un texto del Profesor Andrew Ryder sobre Hugo Blanco Galdos<\/a><\/strong> que compartimos tambi\u00e9n en su versi\u00f3n original en ingl\u00e9s<\/a><\/strong>. Hugo deber\u00eda haber hablado en Londres el 6 de noviembre de 2018 para presentar su libro \u00abNosotros los Indios\u00bb en ingl\u00e9s<\/a><\/strong>, pero, a pesar de haber presentado la solicitud de visa a tiempo y de haber estado en varias ocasiones en el Reino Unido, lo cuestionaron por haber sido prisionero del r\u00e9gimen Peruano en el pasado y realizaron maniobras burocr\u00e1ticas de modo que la visa fue expedida cuando ya le era imposible viajar. Estar\u00e1 en Manchester el 25 de febrero pr\u00f3ximo<\/a><\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
We the Indians: The indigenous peoples of Peru and the struggles for land,<\/em>Hugo Blanco, Merlin Press\/Resistance Books reviewed by Derek Wall<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

\u00ab<\/a><\/strong>Mi legado ha comenzado a caminar<\/a><\/strong><\/em>\u00bb afirm\u00f3 el propio Hugo hace poco<\/a><\/strong>. El Legado vivo de Hugo Blanco Galdos viene teji\u00e9ndose desde M\u00e9xico y va entrando desde abajo, con la tierra y a la izquierda dondequiera que luchan los pueblos e individuos. El texto de Ryder expone lo que alcanza de la trayectoria revolucionaria de este revolucionario perenne. Hugo se someti\u00f3 \u00e9l mismo a la revoluci\u00f3n varias veces y lo hace ahora a diario. Esa guerra interna contra nuestra mentalidad capturada y sometida bajo toda clase de discursos y pr\u00e1cticas, es el coraz\u00f3n, el alma y la fuerza de la revoluci\u00f3n. Actuar con coherencia y compromiso arriesg\u00e1ndolo y entreg\u00e1ndolo todo, claro. Pero adem\u00e1s y ante todo, examinar palabra y acci\u00f3n para reconocer constantemente aprendiendo en un \u00abr\u00e9gimen de verdad\u00bb ese enemigo que nos penetra y habita, esa Hidra, como la se\u00f1alaran las y los zapatistas y cuestionar en consecuencia las propias pr\u00e1cticas, convicciones y caminos. Hugo lo hizo, lo hace, aprendi\u00f3 a hacerlo y por ello su legado vivo no es del pasado y tiene una vigencia que nos reclama y nos ayuda en este contexto de neo-fascismo de todas las pelambres, con todas las m\u00e1scaras. Hoy, mientras nos someten, enga\u00f1an, amenazan, reclutan y compran a nombre de todo, Hugo Blanco Galdos tiene una vida para sostener que un revolucionario no se vende, no se cansa, no enga\u00f1a ni se deja enga\u00f1ar y ante todo, escucha, aprende, cambia y levanta su cuerpo y su vida contra el capitalismo, el racismo, el abuso, el patriarcado. En eso consiste, siempre teji\u00e9ndose a la Pacha Mama ser \u00abNosotros los Indios\u00bb. Hugo Blanco Galdos, legado vivo; INDIO. \u00a1As\u00ed Si! Pr\u00e1cticas y Saberes. Pueblos en Camino<\/strong>
Quienes tengan inter\u00e9s en el Legado Vivo de Hugo Blanco, comunicarse con puebloscamino@gmail.com o pueblosencamino en Facebook.<\/strong><\/em> <\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Hugo Blanco, del trotskismo a la vitalidad ind\u00edgena del Per\u00fa<\/h1>\n\n\n\n
\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Hugo Blanco<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Primero la perspectiva de la tradici\u00f3n trotskista que emana de la experiencia de la revoluci\u00f3n obrera en Rusia, la cr\u00edtica vital a su degeneraci\u00f3n burocr\u00e1tica y traici\u00f3n. Y la sugerencia de una nueva forma de lucha defensiva armada para proteger los logros de la autonom\u00eda de la clase trabajadora .<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Segundo punto, la larga e incesante resistencia de los pueblos ind\u00edgenas contra la toma de sus tierras y de sus condiciones de vida por intereses coloniales y empresariales. Hoy en d\u00eda, es motivo de gran preocupaci\u00f3n si el marxismo se puede extender para acomodar las necesidades y los deseos de los pueblos ind\u00edgenas que rechazan la asimilaci\u00f3n en el modo de producci\u00f3n capitalista.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

El trabajo de Blanco presenta un ejemplo crucial del potencial para unir estas dos posiciones y metodolog\u00edas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nosotros los indios: Los pueblos ind\u00edgenas de Per\u00fa y la lucha por la tierra, publicado por el IIRE y Merlin Press, presenta una nueva colecci\u00f3n en ingl\u00e9s de los escritos de Blanco a lo largo de su larga historia de acci\u00f3n y aprendizaje.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

El libro incluye registros de sus esfuerzos organizativos, su encarcelamiento y huelgas de hambre, y sus reflexiones sobre los valores de la comunidad ind\u00edgena y las experiencias ecol\u00f3gicas. La obra tambi\u00e9n incluye su correspondencia con el gran novelista peruano Jos\u00e9 Mar\u00eda Arguedas y su cr\u00edtica vehemente a la posici\u00f3n neoliberal articulada por Mario Vargas Llosa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hugo Blanco, polifac\u00e9tico<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Hugo Blanco fue uno de los grandes l\u00edderes guerrilleros de la d\u00e9cada de 1960. Sin embargo, su estrategia fue notablemente distinta de la variedad practicada en todo el continente en esa \u00e9poca, inspirada por la revoluci\u00f3n cubana y las formulaciones del Che Guevara.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/a><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

El propio Blanco se\u00f1ala que rechaz\u00f3 el m\u00e9todo de grupos peque\u00f1os y m\u00f3viles de soldados dedicados que pretenden enfrentar y derrocar r\u00e1pidamente al estado. En cambio, Blanco pidi\u00f3 una lucha armada defensiva para mantener la autonom\u00eda de las \u00e1reas ind\u00edgenas de los Andes, para que una revoluci\u00f3n social democr\u00e1tica prolongada pudiera tener lugar en estos territorios.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

En este sentido, Blanco en parte hereda ciertas ideas formuladas por Le\u00f3n Trotsky, quien sugiri\u00f3 a las milicias populares como la forma socialista propiamente dicha de la organizaci\u00f3n militar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

En la d\u00e9cada de 1960, mientras era miembro de la Cuarta Internacional, Blanco cre\u00eda que este era un momento de una estrategia revolucionaria m\u00e1s grande que eventualmente podr\u00eda superar el estado. El enfoque de Blanco tambi\u00e9n anticipa el m\u00e9todo m\u00e1s tarde practicado por el Ej\u00e9rcito Zapatista de Liberaci\u00f3n Nacional.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Los zapatistas tambi\u00e9n rechazaron la estrategia del foco a favor de una milicia bajo el control democr\u00e1tico de un proceso social ind\u00edgena. Al igual que el Subcomandante Marcos, Blanco finalmente decidi\u00f3 que el objetivo de tomar el poder estatal no estaba en el horizonte pol\u00edtico de la coyuntura actual.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ser\u00eda m\u00e1s realista y efectivo aceptar una postura defensiva que ser\u00eda m\u00e1s o menos permanente. Esto representa una retirada significativa del enfoque anterior de Trotsky, que insisti\u00f3 en una inevitable confrontaci\u00f3n con el poder del Estado y la necesidad de alinearse con los sectores de la clase trabajadora en otros territorios.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jos\u00e9 Carlos Mari\u00e1tegui desarroll\u00f3 un famoso an\u00e1lisis del ayllu ind\u00edgena, el espacio comunitario tradicional, como un \u00e1rea de resistencia a la acumulaci\u00f3n y disciplina capitalista y el potencial de la acci\u00f3n revolucionaria socialista. Blanco pr\u00e1cticamente promulg\u00f3 el potencial delineado por Mari\u00e1tegui.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/a><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Blanco cree que el antagonismo entre el pa\u00eds y la ciudad es obsoleto. Esto sugiere que la solidaridad entre diferentes sectores de la clase trabajadora sigue siendo un objetivo esencial; Las comunidades campesinas ind\u00edgenas no est\u00e1n radicalmente al margen de los procesos de capital, sino que constituyen una capa inusual de la clase trabajadora, una que es particularmente heterog\u00e9nea a los valores de una sociedad capitalista.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hugo Blanco est\u00e1 comprometido con la defensa de los pueblos quechua y aymara. Como Mari\u00e1tegui, cree que han heredado una cosmovisi\u00f3n comunista que es incompatible con el individualismo explotador y la divisi\u00f3n del trabajo que caracteriza el modo de producci\u00f3n capitalista.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Es significativo que Blanco rechace una definici\u00f3n de esta poblaci\u00f3n de acuerdo con la herencia gen\u00e9tica; m\u00e1s bien, considera su identidad como cultural y considera que esta cultura est\u00e1 abierta a la participaci\u00f3n de personas de afuera, que pueden ser transformadas y que pueden adoptar ind\u00edgenas. valores.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Escribe que \u201cgente rubia con ojos azules\u201d puede participar en la comunidad india y que la herencia de sangre es innecesaria. El propio Blanco es de herencia mestiza; Eduardo Galeano lo describe como \u201cese hombre inteligente y loco que decidi\u00f3 ser indio, aunque no lo era, y result\u00f3 ser el m\u00e1s indio de todos\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Andrew Ryder
La Voz de Per\u00fa
<\/strong>http:\/\/lavozdeperu.com\/hugo-blanco-del-trotskismo-la-vitalidad-indigena-del-peru\/<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Andrew Ryder discusses <\/strong>We the Indians: <\/strong><\/em>
The Indigenous Peoples of Peru and the Struggle for Land<\/strong><\/em>:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hugo Blanco is a figure of great significance for contemporary thought on revolutionary potential. His ideas and practical commitment straddles two great perspectives:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, the Trotskyist tradition that emanates from the experience of the workers\u2019 revolution in Russia, the vital critique of its bureaucratic degeneration and betrayal, and the suggestion of a new form of armed defensive struggle in order to protect the gains of working-class autonomy. Second, the long and unceasing resistance by indigenous peoples against the seizure of their land and living conditions by colonial and entrepreneurial interests. Today, it is a matter of great concern whether Marxism can be stretched to accommodate the needs and desires of indigenous peoples who reject assimilation into the capitalist mode of production. Blanco\u2019s work presents a crucial example of the potential to bridge these two positions and methodologies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

We the Indians: The Indigenous Peoples of Peru and the Struggle for Land<\/a><\/em>, published by Resistance Books, the IIRE and Merlin Press, presents a new collection in English of Blanco\u2019s writings across his long history of action and learning. The book includes records of his organizational efforts, his imprisonment and hunger strikes, and his reflections on indigenous community values and ecological experiences. The work also includes his correspondence with the great Peruvian novelist Jos\u00e9 Mar\u00eda Arguedas and his vehement critique of the neoliberal position articulated by Mario Vargas Llosa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hugo Blanco was one of the great guerrilla leaders of the 1960s. However, his strategy was notably distinct from the variety practiced across the continent in that era, inspired by the Cuban revolution and Che Guevara\u2019s formulations. Blanco himself points out that he rejected the method of small, mobile groups of dedicated soldiers who aim to quickly confront and overthrow the state. Instead, Blanco called for a defensive armed struggle in order to maintain the autonomy of indigenous areas of the Andes, so that a prolonged democratic social revolution could take place in these territories. In this regard, Blanco partly inherits certain ideas formulated by Leon Trotsky, who suggested popular militias as the properly socialist form of military organization. In the 1960s, while a member of the Fourth International, Blanco believed that this was one moment in a larger revolutionary strategy that could eventually overcome the state and present a prelude to a new socialist mode of production. Blanco\u2019s approach also anticipates the method later practiced by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Zapatistas also came to reject the foco <\/em>strategy in favor of a militia under the democratic control of an indigenous social process. Like Subcomandante Marcos, Blanco eventually decided that the goal of seizing state power was not in the political horizon of the present conjuncture, and that it would be more realistic and effective to accept a defensive posture that would be more or less permanent. This represents a significant retreat from Trotsky\u2019s earlier approach, which insisted on an inevitable confrontation with state power and the need to align with working-class sectors in other territories.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This presents a significant question for the articulation between Marxist and indigenous struggles. Marxist thought advocates the working class as the subject of revolutionary change. In some dogmatic formulations, this can lead to the marginalization of rural sectors and social collectives, which can be viewed as remnants of the past. However, as is well known, Marx himself defended the possibility that pre-capitalist communities could present a prefiguration of the new socialist order, and that these did not need to be dissolved into the dominant urban relations of production. Jos\u00e9 Carlos Mari\u00e1tegui famously developed an analysis of the indigenous ayllu<\/em>, the traditional community space, as an area of resistance to capitalist accumulation and discipline and the potential grounds for socialist revolutionary action. Blanco practically enacted the potential delineated by Mari\u00e1tegui.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, this leaves open the question of how indigenous struggles might affect the prospects of the urban mestizo working class. Blanco himself says that the antagonism between country and city is obsolete, because neoliberalism has impoverished the masses as a whole. This suggests that solidarity among different sectors of the working class remains an essential goal; indigenous campesino <\/em>communities are not radically outside the processes of capital but rather constitute an unusual layer of the working class, one that is particularly heterogeneous to the values of a capitalist society. This retains, then, the broader awareness of a national and international revolutionary consciousness, rather than an acceptance of localism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Hugo Blanco y Andr\u00e9s Gonz\u00e1lez, legendarios luchadores por la tierra se reencuentran<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

This is related, then, to the question of a definition of indigenous identity. Blanco is committed to the defense of Quechua and Aymara peoples. Like Mari\u00e1tegui, he believes that they have inherited a communist worldview that is incompatible with the exploitative individualism and division of labor that characterizes the capitalist mode of production. There is, then, a partial defense of ethnic particularism; this population is uniquely vulnerable to capitalist depredation but also well-suited to resistance and to struggle. It is significant that Blanco rejects a definition of this population according to genetic inheritance \u2013 rather, he views its identity as cultural, and he views this culture as one that is open to the participation of outsiders, who can be transformed and who can adopt indigenous values. He writes that \u201cblonde people with blue eyes\u201d can participate in the Indian community and that blood inheritance is unnecessary. Blanco himself is of mestizo heritage; Eduardo Galeano describes him as \u201cthat smart, crazy man who decided to be an Indian, even though he was not, and turned out to be the most Indian of all.\u201d I think that the defense of indigenous particularity, then, here presents the possibility of a broader social transformation; not merely the possibility of \u201crespect for difference,\u201d but a transformation of the social order as a whole, by attention to the experience and knowledge maintained and preserved by these communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Blanco maintains, at times, a democratic humanism. For example, he maintains that the \u201cstruggle of humanity can be summarized as the struggle for true democracy.\u201d The ayllu, <\/em>for him, presents the nucleus of a direct democracy, one that overcomes the representative alienation inherent in capitalist states. However, Blanco\u2019s humanism should also be understood in terms of his profound respect for non-human <\/em>social agents. He writes,<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I beg you, for the sake of our sister the snake, of our brother the toad, of our brother the beetle, for the sake of the trees and the plants, of the butterflies, help us to survive and stop them murdering the Amazonian Rainforest.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

He even speaks of the \u201cmortal shame of belonging to the human race.\u201d For Blanco, a socialist viewpoint is more than human; he departs from the modern European notion of human emancipation as synonymous with the domination of nature. In this regard he is quite at odds with Trotsky\u2019s famous comments in 1924 about man improving nature according to his taste. Blanco speaks of \u201cthe strong yearning to be a jackal, viper, toad, any animal that kills only to feed, any animal that never tortures.\u201d Blanco\u2019s ideas on revolution can be understood as presenting the challenge to reinvent a conception of what humanity, democracy, and revolution can be according to certain epistemological insights fundamental to indigenous culture.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

A Peruvian anthropologist, Marisol de la Cadena, has helped to elucidate this worldview, drawing on a decade of conversations with Mariano Turpo \u2013 a Quechua thinker who met Blanco and was inspired by his political commitment. De la Cadena develops the indigenous concept of \u201cearth-beings,\u201d ecological and material agents who have their own capacities, vulnerabilities, and desires. She also understands the ayllu <\/em>as not only a space of democracy and collective ownership for humans, but also a place in which humans are deeply aware of their interactions with non-human elements. I think that reading Blanco together with Mariano Turpo helps us to understand how the indigenous life-world presents new political possibilities that can be dialectically integrated into the Marxist tradition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In recent years, we have seen a series of complex efforts to integrate the revolutionary Marxist tradition with indigenous thought and practice. Among others, Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, Ra\u00fal Zibechi, \u00c1lvaro Garc\u00eda Linera, Jeffery R. Webber, and Glen Sean Coulthard have made contributions to this process of incorporation. Hugo Blanco is an especially valuable figure because of his deep physical commitment and self-sacrifice, as well as the longevity of his efforts. He presents a link to Trotsky\u2019s insights in the Russian context, to the guerrilla experience of Latin America, and toward the new spirit of indigenous struggle that has taken on new vitality in this century. His writing is fragmentary and unsystematic \u2013 because it emanates from practical struggle; but it is worth the effort to determine how our political and cultural understanding can be enriched by his discoveries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Andrew Ryder teaches at Texas Christian University. He has written numerous articles on Marxism, decolonization struggles in Latin America, and contemporary Continental philosophy.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Fighting for indigenous and land rights in Peru<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

HUGO BLANCO was due to be speaking but has not received a visa in time but has sent us a short video<\/p>\n\n\n\n

TERRY CONWAY, editor at Resistance Books who edited We the Indians <\/em>will still be speaking<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In addition we also have MARCELO RAMOS from Subverta in Brazil who will be speaking about<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Brazil under Bolsonaro<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

\u2013 and building solidarity in Britain<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

Tuesday 6 November, 7.30pm<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the Community Centre, 62 Marchmont Street, London WC1N 1AB<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Socialist Resistance
Noviembre 5 de 2018
<\/strong>http:\/\/socialistresistance.org\/hugo-blanco-from-trotskyism-to-indigenous-vitality\/13507<\/strong><\/a>
<\/p>\n\n\n\n



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